In the referendum on the UK`s membership of the European Union in June 2016, Northern Ireland voted to remain in the European Union at 55.8% against 44.2%. In a November 2018 opinion poll commissioned by BBC Northern Ireland and RT (Republic of Ireland), 61% of respondents felt that Brexit should not take place if the price was a hard border (compared to 36% that it should, 3% do not know).  The agreement contains the commitment of the British and Irish governments to develop “close cooperation between their countries as friendly neighbours and partners in the European Union” – of course, in 1998, there was no idea that the UK would vote in favour of leaving the EU 18 years later. The impact of Brexit on the Irish border concerns changes in trade, customs, immigration controls, local economies, services, recognition of qualifications, medical cooperation and other issues after Brexit and thus the border between Ireland and the UK on the Irish island, which becomes the EU`s only external border between the UK and the European Union. Since about 2005, the border has been considered invisible, with little or no physical infrastructure, with security barriers and checkpoints being eliminated as a result of processes introduced by the Good Friday Agreement (or “Belfast Agreement” signed in 1998).    This agreement has the status of both an international treaty between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland (the Anglo-Irish Agreement) and an agreement between the parties in Northern Ireland (multi-party agreement). He described the “genius” of the agreement as a framework for “all relations on our two islands – between the municipalities of Northern Ireland, between the north and south of the island of Ireland and by the Irish Sea.” In an interview last year, he also placed the border in the context of the Good Friday agreement. Roger Nilsson (30 years old on the Swedish border) was quoted as saying: “My advice to the UK when they leave the EU is: don`t build too small, you need a lot of space.” Of course, Phase 1 does not require the BRITISH government to put in place a “physical infrastructure” at the border. On 17 October 2019, EU leaders and Boris Johnson agreed on a revised withdrawal agreement that replaced the backstop with a new protocol.  In essence, this project would de facto keep Northern Ireland in the EU customs union and in the internal goods market (including the introduction of EU VAT), while allowing Britain to deviate. In December 2019, Labour announced that it had received an HM Treasury Paper with the Freedom of Information Act 2000, which appears to show that the Prime Minister`s draft agreement would require certain types of two-way customs checks between Britain and Northern Ireland.  The agreement says: “The development of a peaceful environment… A standardization of security measures and practices can and should mean. “That is why she sees in their minds as a sign that the peace process is receding and that the 1998 agreement is being cancelled to add what people now take for granted.” Update (28 Feb 18). House of Lords EU Commission write a letter (27 February 18) to the NI Secretary about concerns about the Irish border. Letter from Boris Johnson (Foreign Secretary) on a return to a hard border infiltrated Sky News (27 Feb 18). Both in section 1 sub uk Govt. 52 British-Irish Council, British-Irish Agreement: www.britishirishcouncil.org/about/british-irish-agreement [12 August 2016].